In 1864, the most famous man in the world spent 36 hours in Malta. The island was never quite the same again.

Have you ever wondered what happens when a living legend arrives in a small, Catholic island? In March 1864, Giuseppe Garibaldi — the man who had just unified Italy with a thousand volunteers and a red shirt — stopped off in Malta on his way to England. He was limping from a bullet still lodged in his ankle. He wanted a quiet rest. What he got instead was a firestorm.

Part 1: The Making of a Legend

To understand why Garibaldi caused such a stir, you need to know who he was, and why all Europe had an opinion about him.

Giuseppe Garibaldi was born on 4 July 1807^{1 2} in Nice^{3 4}, into a family of sailors^{5 6}. He grew up on the sea and became a merchant mariner. In 1833, he met Giuseppe Mazzini⁷ in Marseille and joined Giovine Italia (EN: Young Italy)^{8 9} a movement that dreamed of a unified Italy¹⁰. It was a dream that, at the time, seemed almost impossible.

Italy in the early 19th century was not a country. It was a jigsaw of about eight separate states. The Austrian Empire controlled the north (Lombardy and Venetia). Austrian princes ruled Tuscany, Parma, and Modena. The Pope controlled a wide band of territory through the centre. The Bourbon royal family ruled the south — the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies — with an iron fist. Only the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia in the northwest was independent, and it would become the engine of unification.

Italians who were arrested within the borders of the Austrian Empire were sent to Brno. They were imprisoned in Spielberk castle.

Garibaldi’s first attempt at revolution ended in disaster. He was involved in a failed uprising in Piedmont in 1834¹¹, was sentenced to death in absentia¹², and fled to South America¹³. Far from giving up, he spent the next fourteen years learning to fight. He joined the rebel Republic of Rio Grande do Sul in Brazil¹⁴. He later formed the famous Italian Legion in Uruguay^{15 16}, dressing volunteers in red shirts¹⁷ — a detail that would become his trademark¹⁸. In 1837, while commanding a corsair vessel called the Mazzini, he was shot through the neck in a naval battle. Two of his crew were Maltese, Juan Bautista Caruana and Luis Calía¹⁹, who distinguished themselves in battle²⁰.

Back in Italy in 1848²¹, Garibaldi threw himself into the revolutions sweeping Europe. He started by fighting Austrians in the north²². When the Pope fled Rome, he helped organise the defence of the short-lived Roman Republic against a French siege. For almost three months, he and his men rang the city’s bells²³ and built barricades in the streets²⁴. The French prevailed, and forced Garibaldi to flee again²⁵. His beloved wife Anita died during the retreat. He went to New York^{26 27}, then commanded a Peruvian vessel²⁸, before settling on the Italian island of Caprera, between Sardinia and Corsica^{29 30}.

Then came his greatest triumph. In May 1860^{31 32 33}, Garibaldi sailed from Genoa with about 1,000 volunteers^{34 35} under fire from Neapolitan warships³⁶. What followed was one of the most astonishing military campaigns in modern history. He defeated the Neapolitan army at Calatafimi³⁷, entered Palermo³⁸ on 26 May 1860³⁹, crossed the Strait of Messina⁴⁰, and marched into Naples on 7 September 1860^{41 42}. His army had swelled to 30,000 men. He declared himself Dictator of the Two Sicilies⁴³. He then handed everything over to King Victor Emmanuel II⁴⁴ of Piedmont-Sardinia, whom he met at Teano in November 1860⁴⁵. The Kingdom of Italy was formally proclaimed in March 1861⁴⁶. Garibaldi retired to the island of Caprera⁴⁷ with a bag of seeds and a poncho.

Part 2: The March on Rome and the Bullet That Wouldn’t Come Out

The new Kingdom of Italy was incomplete. Rome was still under Papal control, protected by French troops⁴⁸. Venice was still Austrian. For Garibaldi, this was unfinished business.

In August 1862, he crossed the Strait of Messina with about 3,000 volunteers, heading for Rome, in open defiance of the Italian government he had helped create⁴⁹. The government, fearing a war with France, sent regular troops to stop him. The two forces met at the Battle of Aspromonte⁵⁰ in Calabria on 29 August 1862^{51 52}. When the regular troops opened fire, Garibaldi could not bring himself to shoot at fellow Italians⁵³. He ordered a ceasefire. In the confusion, he was hit by three bullets⁵⁴. One lodged in his right ankle, above the medial malleolus⁵⁵, and could not be removed^{56 57}.

What followed became a medical drama that gripped Europe⁵⁸. Garibaldi was taken down the mountainside on a stretcher⁵⁹, imprisoned at Varignano near La Spezia on a charge of treason⁶⁰, and examined by surgeons from Italy, Britain, France, and Austria⁶¹. The key problem was that, without X-rays⁶² (which would not be invented for another 33 years), nobody could agree on whether the bullet was still in the ankle or not. The French surgeon Auguste Nélaton⁶³ eventually solved the mystery using a probe with a porcelain tip that turned grey when it touched lead — proving the bullet was still there⁶⁴. The bullet was finally extracted in November 1862⁶⁵, but the wound never healed. Garibaldi walked with a limp for the rest of his life⁶⁶.

The wave of sympathy across Europe was enormous. Even Queen Victoria remarked that Garibaldi was “honest, disinterested and brave”⁶⁷. By early 1864, he decided to travel to England to thank the British people in person for their support. Malta was a stopover on the way.

Part 3: The Arrival — A Quiet Rest That Was Anything But

Garibaldi boarded the P&O paddle-steamer Valletta⁶⁸ which had left Marseilles⁶⁹, en route to Alexandria⁷⁰. In the early hours of Wednesday, 23 March 1864⁷¹ it steamed into Marsamxett Harbour, Valletta⁷². On board with him were his two sons, Menotti and Riciotti⁷³. They had left their island of Caprera two days earlier⁷⁴.

Garibaldi wanted a quiet 36-hour rest before continuing to Southampton⁷⁵. He was still suffering from his ankle wound⁷⁶ and, in fact, spent his entire stay confined to his hotel, the Imperial Hotel^{77 78} at 134 St Lucia Street, Valletta^{79 80}, later known as the St James Hotel^{81 82}. (A German parachute mine destroyed the hotel in March 1941^{83 84} and it was later rebuilt as the Embassy cinema complex⁸⁵.)

An anonymous English gentleman⁸⁶ made the necessary arrangements for his stay. But secrecy was impossible. News of his arrival spread quickly, and the reception he received was sharply divided — a reflection of the deep political fault lines running through Maltese society at the time.

The pro-Garibaldi press was enthusiastic. The Malta Times and United Services Gazette of 24 March 1864 called him “the Italian hero and patriot and the most distinguished defender of liberty in Europe”⁸⁷, “the noble general”⁸⁸, “an honest and good man”⁸⁹, “the fountain-head of all that is noble and generous — an Italian lion”⁹⁰.

The anti-Garibaldi press was fierce. L’Ordine of 1 April 1864 called him “un’avventuriero” (an adventurer)⁹¹, “il masnadiere” (a brigand)⁹², and “nemico del papato, della Chiesa e del di lei Vicario, e quindi imicissimo ai Maltesi, essendo questi un popolo eminentemente cattolico”⁹³ — the enemy of the papacy, the Church and its Vicar, and therefore a great enemy of the Maltese, as they were an eminently Catholic people.

Why such hostility? After Italian unification in 1861, almost all the liberal Italian refugees who had lived in Malta returned home. Their place was taken by a new wave of about 200 Sicilian supporters of the ousted Bourbon royal family⁹⁴, who were backed by the ultra-Catholic opinion that saw Garibaldi as the arch-enemy of the Pope⁹⁵. The Pope had, after all, lost almost all his temporal power because of the Risorgimento⁹⁶.

Despite this opposition, the majority of the Maltese population — those who cared about politics, at any rate — gave Garibaldi a broadly positive reception. He was well-received by Maltese liberals and the English garrison and residents.

A steady stream of visitors called on him at his hotel. They were introduced by Nicola Fabrizi⁹⁷ — an Italian revolutionary who had lived in Valletta since 1837 and was one of the key organisers of the Risorgimento from Malta^{98 99} — and by Baron Emilio Sceberras, an acquaintance of Garibaldi’s. The visitors included General Atherley, the Secretary to Government Sir Victor Houlton, Judge Bruno, the Marquis Testaferrata Olivier, Baron Testaferrata Abela, Baron Sceberras d’Amico, Nicolò Papaffy, Baron Ramiro Barbaro di San Giorgio, Dr Zaccaria Roncali, and the elected members of the Council of Government¹⁰⁰.

The Prince of Capua lived in Malta before Garibaldi’s arrival. History doesn’t record what the two thought of each other.

At some point during the day, Garibaldi appeared on the hotel balcony to salute the assembled crowd¹⁰¹. His opponents began to hiss and boo^{102 103}, but respectable people — even those who disagreed with his politics — would not allow such behaviour. He was greeted with general clapping and cheering^{104 105}.

That evening, his son Menotti, accompanied by Maltese and English friends, visited the Casino della Borsa and the Casino Maltese, where they were well received¹⁰⁶.

Part 4: The Language Question — A Battle Over Identity

Garibaldi was more than an Italian tourist. Malta was in midst of its own “Language Question” but, unlike other countries, this was a matter of Italian vs English, rather than Maltese.

For centuries, Italian had been the language of the Maltese educated classes¹⁰⁷. The law courts, the church, and the cultural elite all spoke and used Italian¹⁰⁸. This was not a sign of disloyalty to Malta. If you studied at the university, you studied at an institution founded by the Knights whose lingua franca was Italian. Malta’s intelligensia studied, spoke and used Italian as their own language¹⁰⁹. This was influenced by Italy’s proximity to Malta¹¹⁰ and the strong influence of the Italian-speaking Roman Catholic Church.

By the time of Garibaldi’s arrival, the British had governed Malta since 1800¹¹¹. They were increasingly pushing to change this linguistic anomaly¹¹². They wanted English to replace Italian in schools and the administration¹¹³.

Garibaldi’s visit in 1864 came at a moment when this debate was already simmering. His presence was a living symbol of Italian cultural and political identity. The divided reaction to his arrival — the Italian-language press covering him extensively, the English-language press broadly supportive, and the Bourbon-sympathising press furiously hostile — perfectly mirrored the coming language battle.

There is also a fascinating connection to Malta. During his stay, one of the people involved in facilitating communication was Jane Dalzel Onofrio — a woman of mixed British-Maltese heritage who was married to a Sicilian exile, Rosario Onofrio¹¹⁴, who had been involved with Risorgimento conspirators in Malta¹¹⁵. Jane later became the first known Maltese woman to translate literature into Maltese, when she rendered a Boccaccio novella into the language for a landmark Italian scholarly collection in 1875¹¹⁶. The Italian scholar Giovanni Papanti, who commissioned the translation, included it in a section on Italia Irredenta (EN: “Unredeemed Italy”) treating Malta as part of the Italian cultural sphere¹¹⁷. This was the kind of claim that made the British colonial administration deeply uneasy.

Malta had also been a crucial base for the Risorgimento itself:

• News of Garibaldi’s exploits reached Modica through telegrams from Malta¹¹⁸.
• Hundreds of “patriot-intellectuals” had fled the peninsula and found shelter in Malta¹¹⁹.
• The British had granted freedom of the press in Malta in 1839, and over 100 Italian-language newspapers were printed on the island between 1803 and 1870, many of them sent directly to Italy¹²⁰.
• Nicola Fabrizi organised the Legione Italica from Valletta in 1837, and in 1848 he founded the Circolo Maltese, a combined Maltese-Italian force¹²¹.
• Francesco Crispi, later Prime Minister of Italy, had lived in exile in Tarxien before joining Garibaldi’s Thousand in 1859¹²².

The island was not just a bystander to the Risorgimento — it was one of its nerve centres.

Part 5: The Political Aftershock — How Garibaldi Changed Maltese Politics

When Garibaldi sailed out of Marsamxett Harbour on 24 March 1864, he left behind a political debate that would define Malta for the next 80 years.

The British administration’s Keenan Commission of 1878¹²³, which examined Maltese education, urged a reorientation of the entire school system towards English^{124 125}. In parallel, the British official Penrose Julyan dismissed Italian as “ornamental rather than functional”. Maltese leaders objected strongly, arguing that Italian in Malta was not a social polish but the living record of the island’s civilisation¹²⁶.

The ideological lines that Garibaldi’s visit had sharpened hardened, over the following decade and a half, into formal political movements. In 1879, Sigismondo Savona founded the Reform Party¹²⁷, which backed the British push to anglicise Malta’s education system¹²⁸. In 1880, Fortunato Mizzi founded the Partito Anti-Riformista¹²⁹ — the Anti-Reform Party, later the Partito Nazionale^{130 131} — to defend Italian as Malta’s language of culture and law^{132 133}. These were the first real political parties in Maltese history, and they were born directly out of the tensions that the Risorgimento, and Garibaldi’s visit, had brought to the surface.¹³⁴.

Under these political banners, “reform” meant an anglophone future aligned with the Empire, or a betrayal of one’s roots and culture, depending on your viewpoint. It was a matter of identity. The slogans used by Fortunato Mizzi in 1899 — “to force a language upon the people”¹³⁵ — captured the sense of cultural intrusion that many Maltese felt. The Nationalist movement that Mizzi founded drew directly on the Italian cultural identity that Garibaldi had embodied.

The irony with Garibaldi and his beliefs was sharp.

Garibaldi was anti-clerical and deeply hostile to the Pope. Yet many of his Maltese admirers were devout Catholics who also cherished Italian as their cultural language. His visit showed that Italian cultural identity and Catholic faith were not mutually exclusive for the Maltese — even if they were for Garibaldi himself. The Bourbon refugees who opposed him were also Catholic, which shows that the split was political, not simply religious.

By the early 1930s, the colonial government had tilted decisively away from Italian¹³⁶. Italy’s alignment with Nazi Germany, and its attack on Malta in 1940 made any official role for Italian untenable^{137 138}.

World War II eliminated Malta’s Italian vs English language question for good.

Garibaldi’s Malta Itinerary: 23–24 March 1864

Date and Time	Event
Wednesday, 23 March 1864 — early morning	P&O paddle-steamer Valletta arrives at Marsamxett Harbour from Marseilles.
Wednesday, 23 March — morning	Takes lodgings at the Imperial Hotel, 134 St Lucia Street, Valletta.
Wednesday, 23 March — daytime	Confined to hotel due to ankle wound. Receives a steady flow of courtesy calls.
Wednesday, 23 March — daytime	Appears on the hotel balcony to salute the crowd. Opponents hiss but are silenced; greeted with general clapping and cheering.
Wednesday, 23 March — evening	Signor Menotti visits the Casino della Borsa and Casino Maltese with Maltese and English friends.
Thursday, 24 March 1864 (Maundy Thursday) — morning	An address of respect and affection, signed by approximately 300 people, is read to Garibaldi by Baroness Testaferrata Abela139.
Thursday, 24 March — early afternoon	Large crowds gather outside the hotel. Wife and daughter of Admiral Austin offer their carriage. Garibaldi accepts; the carriage takes a different route to avoid the crowds140.
Thursday, 24 March — afternoon	Embarks on P&O paddle-steamer Ripon at Sa Maison quay, Marsamxett Harbour141.
Thursday, 24 March — departure	Gentlemen on the tugboat Bulldog escort the steamer outside the harbour to bid a final farewell; cheers are exchanged from both vessels142.

A Final Thought: What Garibaldi’s Ghost Still Means for Malta

Garibaldi spent only 36 hours in Malta. He never left his hotel room. And yet, in a way, he never really left. The cultural and political earthquake that his visit helped to trigger — the language debate, the birth of Malta’s first political parties, the long struggle between Italian heritage and British colonial rule — shaped the island’s identity for generations. Today, modern Malta is a bilingual, independent nation, proud of its Maltese language and its Mediterranean roots. The Latin soul that Garibaldi stirred still echoes in the island’s legal codes, its architecture, its love of opera, and its enduring sense of belonging to a broader Mediterranean civilisation. It is a remarkable legacy for a man who only wanted a quiet rest.

The real unspoken question now is: did Garibaldi’s visit change Malta forever, or was the language debate going to happen anyway?

References

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